提要：
罗纳德·威尔逊·里根 (Ronald Wilson Reagan)于1911年2月6日生于美国伊利诺伊州坦皮科城。美国政治家，第33任加利福尼亚州州长，第40任总统（1981年-1988年，第49、50届总统）。他也是一名伟大的演讲家。在踏入政坛前，里根也担任过运动广播员、救生员、报社专栏作家、电影演员、电视节目演员和励志讲师，并且是美国影视演员协会的领导人。他的演说风格高明而极具说服力，被媒体誉为“伟大的沟通者”。历任总统之中，他就职年龄最大。他是历任总统中唯一一位演员出身的总统。
盖洛普民意测验做了一次谁是最受欢迎的美国总统的调查。罗纳德·里根得到最高的87%支持，接下来依序是约翰·肯尼迪、德怀特·艾森豪威尔、富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福。里根在接下来每年的许多民调测验中继续被选为是最好的美国总统之一。
美国总统里根在主政八年，在卸任之前，于1988年10月15日在共和党代表大会上，以总统身份作了著名的《最后一次演说》。在这篇短短的演讲中，里根谈历史、话人生、摆成就、鼓士气、纵横捭阖，气势激荡，逻辑严密，感情充溢，用瑞士著名社交活动评论家劳尔·威廉斯说，“这是一篇传世佳作！”
English:
The Last Speech （里根的最后一次演说）
（后面附的中文译本是国内常见的，但它不完整。）
Madam Chairman, delegates to the convention, and fellow citizens, thank you for that warm and generous welcome. Nancy and I have been enjoying the finest of Southern hospitality since we arrived here yesterday. And believe me, after that reception I don't think the ``Big Easy'' has ever been bigger than it has tonight. And with all due respect to Cajun cuisine cooking and New Orleans jazz, nothing could be hotter than the spirit of the delegates in this hall, except maybe a victory celebration on November 8th. In that spirit, I think we can be forgiven if we give ourselves a little pat on the back for having made ``Republican'' a proud word once again and America a proud nation again. Nancy and I are so honored to be your guests tonight, to share a little of your special time, and we thank you.
Now I want to invoke executive privilege to talk for a moment about a very special lady who has been selfless not just for our party but for the entire Nation. She is a strong, courageous, compassionate woman; and wherever she's gone, here in the United States as well as abroad, whether with young or old, whether comforting the grieving or supporting the youngsters who are fighting the scourge of drugs, she makes us proud. I've been proud of her for a long time, but never more so than in these last 8 years. With your tribute to Nancy today, you warmed my heart as well as hers, and believe me, she deserves your tribute. And I am deeply grateful to you for what you have done.
When people tell me that I became President on January 20th, 1981, I feel I have to correct them. You don't become President of the United States. You are given temporary custody of an institution called the Presidency, which belongs to our people. Having temporary custody of this office has been for me a sacred trust and an honor beyond words or measure. That trust began with many of you in this room many conventions ago. Many's the time that I've said a prayer of thanks to all Americans who placed this trust in my hands. And tonight, please accept again our heartfelt gratitude, Nancy's and mine, for this special time that you've given in our lives. Just a moment ago, you multiplied the honor with a moving tribute, and being only human, there's a part of me that would like to take credit for what we've achieved. But tonight, before we do anything else, let us remember that tribute really belongs to the 245 million citizens who make up the greatest -- and the first -- three words in our Constitution: ``We the People.'' It is the American people who endured the great challenge of lifting us from the depths of national calamity, renewing our mighty economic strength, and leading the way to restoring our respect in the world. They are an extraordinary breed we call Americans. So, if there's any salute deserved tonight, it's to the heroes everywhere in this land who make up the doers, the dreamers, and the lifebuilders without which our glorious experiment in democracy would have failed.
This convention brings back so many memories to a fellow like me. I can still remember my first Republican convention: Abraham Lincoln giving a speech that -- [laughter] -- sent tingles down my spine. No, I have to confess, I wasn't actually there. The truth is, way back then, I belonged to the other party. [Laughter] But surely we can remember another convention. Eight years ago, we gathered in Detroit in a troubled time for our beloved country. And we gathered solemnly to share our dreams. When I look back, I wonder if we dared be so bold to take on those burdens. But in that same city of Detroit, when the 20th century was only in its second year, another great Republican, Teddy Roosevelt, told Americans not to hold back from dangers ahead but to rejoice: ``Our hearts lifted with the faith that to us and to our children it shall be given to make this Republic the mightiest among the peoples of mankind.'' Teddy said those, years ago. In 1980 we needed every bit of that kind of faith.
That year, it was our dream that together we could rescue America and make a new beginning, to create anew that shining city on a hill. The dream we shared was to reclaim our government, to transform it from one that was consuming our prosperity into one that would get out of the way of those who created prosperity. It was a dream of again making our nation strong enough to preserve world peace and freedom and to recapture our national destiny. We made a determination that our dream would not be built on a foundation of sand -- something called ``Trust Me Government'' -- but we would trust, instead, the American spirit. And, yes, we were unashamed in believing that this dream was driven by a community of shared values of family, work, neighborhood, peace, and freedom. And on the night of July 17th, 1980, we left with a mutual pledge to conduct a national crusade to make America great again. We had faith because the heroes in our midst had never failed us before. Tom Paine knew what these Americans with character of steel could do when he wrote: ``The harder the conflict, the more glorious the triumph.'' And my fellow citizens, while our triumph is not yet complete, the road has been glorious indeed.
Eight years ago, we met at a time when America was in economic chaos, and today we meet in a time of economic promise. We met then in international distress and today with global hope. Now, I think we can be forgiven if we engage in a little review of that history tonight -- as the saying goes, just a friendly reminder. I've been doing a little remembering of my own because of all that inflated rhetoric by our friends in Atlanta last month. But then, inflation is their specialty.
Before we came to Washington, Americans had just suffered the two worst back-to-back years of inflation in 60 years. Those are the facts, and as John Adams said, ``Facts are stubborn things.'' Interest rates had jumped to over 21 percent, the highest in 120 years, more than doubling the average monthly mortgage payments for working families -- our families. When they sat around the kitchen table, it was not to plan summer vacations, it was to plan economic survival. Facts are stubborn things.
Industrial production was down, and productivity was down for 2 consecutive years. The average weekly -- you missed me. [The President referred to a background noise.] [Laughter] The average weekly wage plunged 9 percent. The median family income fell 5\1/2\ percent. Facts are stubborn things.
Our friends on the other side had actually passed the single highest tax bill in the 200-year history of the United States. Auto loans, because of their policies, went up to 17 percent, so our great factories began shutting down. Fuel costs jumped through the atmosphere, more than doubling. Then people waited in gas lines as well as unemployment lines. Facts are stupid things -- stubborn things, I should say. [Laughter]
And then there was the misery index. That was an election year gimmick they designed for the 1976 campaign. They added the unemployment and inflation rates. And it came to 13.4 percent in 1976, and they declared that our candidate, Jerry Ford, had no right to seek re-election with that kind of misery index. But 4 years later, in the 1980 campaign, they didn't mention the misery index. Do you suppose it was because it was no longer 13.4 percent? In those 4 years it had become almost 21 percent. And last month, in Atlanta at their convention, there was again no mention of the misery index. Why? Because right now it's less than 9.2 percent. Facts are stubborn things.
When we met in Detroit in that summer of 1980, it was a summer of discontent for America around the world. Our national defense had been so weakened, the Soviet Union had begun to engage in reckless aggression, including the invasion and occupation of Afghanistan. The U.S. response to that was to forbid our athletes to participate in the 1980 Olympics and to try to pull the rug out from under our farmers with a grain and soybean embargo. And in those years, on any given day, we had military aircraft that couldn't fly for lack of spare parts and ships that couldn't leave port for the same reason or for lack of a crew. Our Embassy in Pakistan was burned to the ground, and the one in Iran was stormed and occupied with all Americans taken as hostages. The world began to question the constancy and resolve of the United States. Our leaders answered not that there was something wrong with our government but that our people were at fault because of some malaise. Well, facts are stubborn things.
When our friends last month talked of unemployment, despair, hopelessness, economic weakness, I wondered why on Earth they were talking about 1978 instead of 1988.
And now we hear talk that it's time for a change. Well, ladies and gentlemen, another friendly reminder: We are the change. We rolled up our sleeves and went to work in January of 1981. We focused on hope, not despair. We challenged the failed policies of the past because we believed that a society is great not because of promises made by its government but only because of progress made by its people. And that was our change.
We said something shocking: Taxes ought to be reduced, not raised. We cut the tax rates for the working folks of America. We indexed taxes, and that stopped a bracket creep which kicked average wage earners into higher tax brackets when they had only received a cost-of-living pay raise. And we initiated reform of the unfairness in our tax system. And what do you know, the top 5 percent of earners are paying a higher percentage of the total tax revenue at the lower rates than they ever had before, and millions of earners at the bottom of the scale have been freed from paying any income tax at all. That was our change.
So, together we pulled out of a tailspin and created 17\1/2\ million good jobs. That's more than a quarter of a million new jobs a month -- every month -- for 68 consecutive months. America is working again. And just since our 1984 convention, we have created over 11 million of those new jobs. Now, just why would our friends on the other side want to change that? Why do they think putting you out of work is better than putting you to work? New homes are being built. New car sales reached record levels. Exports are starting to climb again. Factory capacity is approaching maximum use. You know, I've noticed they don't call it Reaganomics anymore. [Laughter]
As for inflation, well, that too has changed. We changed it from the time it hit 18 percent in 1980 down to between 3.5 and 4 percent. Interest rates are less than half of what they were. In fact, nearly half of all mortgages taken out on family homes in 1986 and more than a third of those in 1987 were actually old loans being refinanced at the new lower rates. Young families have finally been able to get some relief. These, too, were our changes.
We rebuilt our Armed Forces. We liberated Grenada from the Communists and helped return that island to democracy. We struck a firm blow against Libyan terrorism. We've seen the growth of democracy in 90 percent of Latin America. The Soviets have begun to pull out of Afghanistan. The bloody Iran-Iraq war is coming to an end. And for the first time in 8 years we have the prospects of peace in Southwest Africa and the removal of Cuban and other foreign forces from the region. And in the 2,765 days of our administration, not 1 inch of ground has fallen to the Communists.
Audience members. Reagan! Reagan! Reagan!
The President. Today we have the first treaty in world history to eliminate an entire class of U.S. and Soviet nuclear missiles. We're working on the Strategic Defense Initiative to defend ourselves and our allies against nuclear terror. And American and Soviet relations are the best they've ever been since World War II.
And virtually all this change occurred -- and continues to occur -- in spite of the resistance of those liberal elites who loudly proclaim that it's time for a change. They resisted our defense buildup. They resisted our tax cuts. They resisted cutting the fat out of government. And they resisted our appointments of judges committed to the law and the Constitution.
Chinese:
最后一次演讲（里根：自由的国家，没有黄昏！）
南希和我今晚应邀出席这次大会，与大家共度这一特殊时刻，感到很荣幸，我以总统身份在共和党大会上发表讲话，这是最后一次了。因此，我十分感谢在座的诸位。
每当听到有人说我是在1981年1月20日成为总统的，我就觉得我必须予以纠正，因为，我并不是自己成为美国总统的，我只是受权暂时管理一个叫做总统制的机构，而这个机构是属于人民的。
我曾经多次祷告，感谢所有给予我这一信托的美国人，今晚，请再次接受我们——南希和我——的由衷的感谢，感谢你们赋予我们一生中这一特殊的时刻。
刚才，你们又用一篇感人肺腑的颂词给这种荣誉锦上添花，我只不过是个普通人，因此听到别人称赞我们取得的成就，也不免有点沾沾自喜。但是今晚，我们首先要记住，真正值得称颂的是2亿4千5百万美国公民，是他们构成了我国宪法开宗明义的头四个字，也是最伟大的四个字：我们人民。
美国人民承受过巨大的挑战，把我们从民族灾难的深渊中拯救出来，建立了我们强大的经济实力，重振了我国在国际上的声誉，他们是出类拔萃的人，也就是人们所说的美国人。所以，如果今晚要向谁表示敬意的话，那就应该向遍布这块土地的英雄豪杰们致敬，他们是实干家、梦想家和新生活的建设者。没有他们，我们在民主制度下的光辉实践就将一事无成。
最近，我们常听到有人说现在是改革的时代了。女士们、先生们，我再善意地提醒一下，我们就代表着改革。
我们从1981年1月起就卷起袖子大干起来，我们满怀希望，从不灰心丧气，我们向过去失败的政策挑战，因为我们相信，一个社会所以伟大，并不在于其政府做出多少许诺，而仅仅在于其人民取得了进步，这就是我们进行的改革。
我们说了一些令人震惊的话。我们说应该减税，而不是增税。现在除了百分之五高收入者要交付高税额外，千百万低收入者已根本不用交所得税。我们走出了困境，创造了1750万人良好的就业机会。通货膨胀问题也已发生了变化，我们已把通货膨胀率从1980年的百分之十八降到百分之三点五。大多数家庭夫妇终于能够松口气了。
今天，我们签署了有史以来世界上第一个旨在销毁美苏拥有的整个一类核导弹的条约，我们正在加强战略防御计划，以保护我们自己和我们的盟国免遭核恐怖之苦，第二次世界大战以来美苏关系从没有像现在这样好。
我们共和党维护人类的自由，主张全面实现对我们的存在至关重要的自由权利，为了维护自由，使之展现在全世界千百万渴望自由的人面前，我们绝不逃避我们的责任。
我们相信，要实现持久和平，只能靠实力而不能靠我们对手的善意。
我们对政府持正当的怀疑态度，以制止它采取过分的行动，但在它帮助改善我国公民生活时，我们也乐于利用它的力量。
我们强烈地感到，增加税收不是联邦政府固有的权力，我们认为通货膨胀对穷人、年轻人和老年人是冷酷无情的。
我们尊重把我们结合成一个家庭和一个国家的价值观点。
这就是我们的理想。你们在座的诸位、以及今晚你们一样也在注视和聆听这次大会的人，都在为实现这个理想而献身。你们不是半途而废的懦夫，你们的行动不仅仅是为了竞选，而是为了一个事业，你们代表着一种人，一种我所熟悉的为自由政府而奋斗的最杰出的斗士。
我知道以前我也这样说过，但是我相信，是上帝把这块土地放在了两个大洋之间，让世界各地的特殊人物发现了它，致使这些人因酷爱自由而远离故土云集到这片土地上，使之成为一束夺目的自由之光照亮了整个世界。
富有想象力是我们的天赋，我要告诉你们一个小男孩的想法，他在我就职后不久给我寄了一封信，信中写道“我爱美国，因为在美国只要愿意谁都可以参加童子军。在美国随便信仰什么都行，而且只要有能力，就能够成为你想要成为的那种人。我爱美国，还因为我们有大约二百种不同味道的冰激凌。”
这就是小孩子眼里的真理。结社自由、信仰自由、满怀希望和获得机会的自由。此外还可以追求幸福——对这个孩子而言，就是在二百种味道不同的冰激凌中进行挑选。
这就是美国，每个人不分男女都幻想着能给人以希望的美国。正因为如此，我们对全世界来说就像一块磁铁，吸引人们冒着被子弹击中的危险以生命为代价越过柏林墙来到这里，吸引人们冒着九死一生的危险乘一叶扁舟渡过波涛汹涌的大洋来到这里。
这块土地和土地上的人民，能在这里兑现的梦想以及使之结为一体的自由——就是这些使美国能够高高地飞翔，一直飞到可以看见自由和希望的万里云天。
当我们的子孙后代追寻我们一生的踪迹时，我希望他们会明白，我们是想把国家尽可能完美地传给他们。在这个国家里崇尚正直、宽容、慷慨、忠实、勇敢、知识、公正和虔诚。
这就是我的想法，我感谢上帝保佑我活得很好，而且活得很长，得是当我在华盛顿收拾离任前的行装时，不要以为我喜欢人们谈论我已是时届暮年近黄昏。
黄昏？美国没有黄昏。
我们这里，每天都是旭日东升，到处都是崭新的机会，可以编织各种梦想。
黄昏？那是不可能的，因为我坦白承认有时我觉得我还是个小伙子，在和弟弟比赛，看谁先从山上跑到罗克河铁路桥下可以游泳的小水湾。
要知道，哪一天也比不上新的一天更美好，因为在我们的国家，它意味着在你身上会发生某种奇迹。
在我身上就确实发生了某种奇迹。
几年前，我们点燃了一场燎原烈火，我们将激昂的思想和执著的信念作为燃料，决心让它烧遍全美国，那是多么美好时光啊！
我们曾经在一起为我们热爱的事业而战斗，但是我们绝不能让火焰熄灭，或者退出战斗，因为战斗永远不会结束，我们必须一次又一次地捍卫我们的自由，一次又一次！
但是我要对你们说，如果火光暗淡了，我愿留下我的电话号码和地址，一旦你们需要一名小卒，只须说一声，我召之即来——只要一息尚存，只要我们可爱的国家在这个最辉煌的时刻还在不断地进取求新。
让火光一直熊熊地燃烧下去吧！这样，当我们要见上帝的时候，回首往昔，我们就可以无愧地说，我们做了我们所能做的一切，从来不遗余力！
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